This study sought to quantifiably measure and compare the rate at which men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize appearance via both visual and textual messages. A content analysis was performed on all issues of Glamour, Cosmopolitan, Vogue, Esquire, Gentleman’s Quarterly and Maxim for the years 1995-2000, inclusive. Variables examined include the significant differences in sexually explicit portrayals of males and females overall and within male and female genres, significant difference in appearance-related messages found on men’s and women’s magazines and significant differences in emphasis on physical and nonphysical self-improvement. The role of Maxim, the relatively new and wildly successful men’s magazine, in influencing the style of the covers of other popular publications within the men’s magazine genre was also explored.

Findings indicated significant differences between men’s and women’s magazines in all areas explored, with women’s magazines focusing more heavily on appearance-related and self-improvement messages, etc. Maxim was not found to have a significant influence on the style of the other men’s magazines’ covers studied.

Nikos Kazantzakis once professed, "Beauty...is merciless. You do not look at it; it looks at you and does not forgive" (Kanzantzakis, 1965). For many, the gaze of this merciless beauty exists each day, perpetuated in part by the saturation of our modern media imagery.

Film, photography and television all offer forms of entertainment and communication based on the circulation and sale of visual images. With the development of techniques of mechanical reproduction and technology of visual recording, Western culture has become obsessed with looking at and recording images (Coward, 1985). Perhaps magazines, with their glossy photo-edited perfection, serve as the apotheosis of this phenomenon; the static nature of the magazine pages provide a canvas that can be transformed through airbrushing and lens techniques, while this same static nature allows these images to "live" immortally, an homage to concocted perfection (Coward, 1985; Steinem, 1994; Wolf, 1991; and Freedman, 1986).

This preoccupation with visual images strikes women in a very particular way. Feminist research has repeatedly reported the significant role that the media play in the construction of the "beauty ideal" that society holds up to women (Coward, 1985; Wolf, 1991; Freedman, 1986; and Steinem, 1994). Such study of Western preoccupation with the visual image–of self and others–and the resultant anxiety about how these images measure up to a socially prescribed ideal is well founded, given our sociocultural reality.

The problem, as aptly stated by Malkin et al. (1999) when referring to magazine covers, is that "[o]verall it seems that visual images on both men’s and women’s magazine covers tend to portray what women should look like and what men should look for. There is minimal focus on the male body."

While the pursuit of and preoccupation with beauty may traditionally be features of the female sex-role stereotype, there is some evidence that emphasis on men’s appearances may be on the rise. Men are likely experiencing more body dissatisfaction, preoccupation with weight and concern with their physical attractiveness and body shape now than they did even two decades ago (Mishkind et al., 1986). Certainly, examination of magazines and other media strongly suggests that bodily concern is strong for men as well (Gross, 1985).

This study seeks to quantifiably measure and compare the rate at which men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize appearance via both visual and textual messages. It also seeks to examine the role of Maxim, the relatively new and wildly successful men’s magazine, in influencing the style of other popular publications within the men’s magazine genre.

Messages sent out by the media regarding bodily appearance are quite different for women and men. While a strong emphasis has been placed on the bodily appearance of women; less focus has been placed on the bodily appearance of men (Freedman, 1986). With this phenomenon, there exists a classic debate of "nature versus nurture" as to whether media messages play a strong role in creating such an emphasis on female appearance or if it simply mirrors our cultural values. Anderson and DiDomenico (1992) suggest that, "Instead of simply reflecting the weight and shape ideals of our society, popular media may be, to some extent, imposing gender-related norms, which then lead to sex-related differences in the frequency of critical behaviors."

Some of this effect on critical behaviors may even reach as far as the denial or repression of fundamental human needs. Past studies suggest that the uniformly thin and beautiful models depicted in advertising have created such unhappiness among young women about their bodies and faces that their confidence is undermined, causing them to turn to invasive procedures like plastic surgery or indulge in unhealthy eating practices that may lead to eating disorders (Richins, 1991; Myers & Biocca, 1992; Garner et al., 1980; and Cusumano & Thompson, 1997).

There is increasing evidence that the media may play a powerful role in the formation of eating disorders and body image disturbances (Thompson & Heinberg, 1999). One benchmark study concerning body image found that watching even 30 minutes’ worth of television programming and advertising can alter a woman’s perception of the shape of her body (Myers & Biocca, 1992). Another study contrasting gender differences in body images found that women’s rate of body dissatisfaction was ten times greater than that of men (Demarest & Allen, 2000).

While such results might be easy for some to dismiss as the product of a narcissistic culture, consideration of some well-founded social scientific theories can offer guidance in understanding this phenomenon.

It has long been thought that media play a major role in developing our world views, partially by aiding the creation of "the images in our heads." Gamson et al. (1992) assert that a wide variety of media messages can act as teachers of values, ideologies and beliefs and that they can provide images for interpreting the world. Such shaping of world views is often referred to as the social construction of reality. Not only do media images inhabit our world; they aid in its development and social evolution.

With this in mind, it becomes easier to realize the possible impact media images may bear, especially when considered in combination with social comparison and sociocultural theoretical models.

Festinger’s theory of social comparison holds that people seek to satisfy their need for self-evaluation through use of social standards–by comparing themselves with other people (Festinger, 1954). Often, the other "person" may be an image obtained through media exposure.

Perhaps the most empirically supported approach is a sociocultural model which identifies social pressure as the impetus behind an individual’s need to conform to body shape standards (Cusumano & Thompson, 1997; Stormer & Thompson, 1996; Thompson & Heinberg, 1999).

With either model, it is clear that body dissatisfaction and even body image distortion may be facilitated by the resultant cognitive dissonance which can occur when the perceived self-image varies from the perceived ideal-image (Myers & Biocca, 1992).

One final theory that may shed light onto the seemingly pervasive influence of mass media images in our society is Gerbner’s cultivation theory. Largely used in studies correlating the amount of television violence to which viewers are exposed with their perceptions of the amount of violence in the actual world, as well as the assumption that such violence is the norm, cultivation research lights the path to realization that media imagery can influence world views (Gerbner, 1967).

It is reasonable to extrapolate values from such work in the area of cultivation and deduce that a greater exposure to a certain phenomenon through media messages results in the perception of that phenomenon as being prevalent in society, as well as the assumption that it is the norm. This logic, applied to the prominence of messages–both visual and textual–in our society of the importance of appearance seems to illustrate the likelihood of and rationale behind individuals’ participating in social comparison of themselves with media images.

With these theoretical frameworks outlined, the relative significance of such media images may cause one to wonder why the focus of this study is limited to men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazines. Why would people–specifically women–care so much what the magazines say and show?

Though the magazines are sometimes trivialized, they represent something very important: women’s mass culture. Women’s magazines are one of the few products of popular culture that change with women’s reality, are mostly written by women for women about women’s issues and take women’s concerns seriously (Wolf, 1991). Women’s magazines for over a century have been one of the most powerful agents for changing women’s roles (Wolf, 1991; Jollifee, 1986).

Magazines targeted at men act in a different manner, serving different functions and tending to focus less on male appearance (Steinem, 1994; Malkin et al., 1999). Men’s magazines focus on providing entertainment, expanding knowledge, hobbies and activities; women’s magazines continue to focus on improving one’s life by changing one’s appearance (Malkin et al., 1999).

Although this pattern may be readily evident in fashion/lifestyle magazines, it is certainly not exclusive to them. Entertainment as we know it is crucially predicated on a masculine investigation of women and a circulation of women’s images for men (Coward, 1985). As stated by John Berger, "Men look at women. Women watch themselves being looked at. This determines not only the relations of men to women, but the relation of women to themselves" (Berger, 1988; Wolf, 1991).

While this preoccupation with female "beauty" has long been considered our societal norm, there is evidence that emphasis on men’s appearances is on the rise (Mishkind et al., 1986; Gross, 1985). For the first time, a quantifiable increase in the explicitness of male images is shown; now, male images showing more skin are being added to media’s long-time reliance on women’s bodies (Reichert et al., 1999). However, women remain the preferred magazine cover image. In fact, the best-selling men’s magazine, Maxim, relies solely upon female form as its cover art.

In addition to comparatively exploring the emphasis placed on appearance via men’s and women’s magazine covers, the role of Maxim in influencing the style of other popular publications within the men’s magazine genre will be examined.

What makes Maxim so special? According to its publisher, Felix Dennis, Maxim is staunchly, perhaps obnoxiously, heterosexual and happily lowbrow. Warner dubs it "Cosmo for men" (1997).

Loeb, however, claims that Maxim is a "menace" due to the nature of its formula for success. "[I]t’s not its sophomoric tone, not its talking down to readers, but that almost none of its articles involved serious reporting." Now, Maxim, according to Sullivan (2000), sets the pace for other men’s magazines, noting recent uncouth features in Esquire and GQ.

The success of the unapologetically crass Maxim in the U.S. has sent the existing U.S. men’s magazines into a tailspin. U.S. newsstands are increasingly crowded with imitators of Maxim’s PG-13 raunchiness (Munk, 2001).

Finally, it was decided to "judge magazines by their covers" because it is often consumers who do exactly that. Many times it is the cover that initially attracts the reader to the magazine. Titles, catch phrases and pictures displayed on magazine covers are usually all that the reader has time to look at in a store (Malkin et al., 1999).

Industry knowledge of and capitalization upon this is reflected in the following statement from a corporate circulation director. "The cover is primarily a sales tool...the images selected and the way we describe the contents must be provocative, hard-hitting and full of elements that sell" (Lee, 1998).

Apparently, this philosophy works. Several magazines–including Cosmopolitan–saw significant decreases in sales when the magazines’ newsstand covers were, due to their "inappropriateness" and shopper complaints, hidden from consumer view (Posnock, 2000; Koff, 1976).

Due to their ability to gain initial interest from readers, thus indirectly relating that which audiences find appealing, it is important to explore the messages that are being presented to readers on the covers of popular magazines.

To explore this situation, the following seven research questions were posed to address the overarching question: Is the importance of appearance portrayed differently in magazines targeted at men and magazines targeted at women?

III. Methods

In a fashion similar to Malkin et al. (1999), a content analysis of 392 magazine covers (176 men’s and 216 women’s magazines) was conducted. Both visual and textual messages were analyzed.

The study sample consisted of the following men’s and women’s magazine titles: Gentleman’s Quarterly (GQ), Esquire and Maxim; Cosmopolitan, Glamour and Vogue. All issues of magazines of the selected titles from 1995-2000, inclusive, were examined except for Maxim. Maxim issues for 1998-2000 were included. This inclusive sample was used to provide a more precise statistical representation than a smaller sample may have afforded.

These specific magazines were selected for several purposes. First, most were based upon past research in the area of gender role content analysis in magazines (Nemeroff et al., 1994; Malkin et al., 1999; Garner et al., 1980; Anderson & DiDomenico, 1992). In Malkin et al., the 1987 Simmon’s Study of Media and Markets was utilized to aid in choosing the magazines. These publications all also appeared within their respective category of the top 10 men’s magazines and top 10 women’s magazines as listed in Folio’s top magazines of 1998 by sales. Additionally, all six were the only "fashion/lifestyle" magazines to appear within their respective top 10 category (Ennis, 1999).

Finally, it is desirable for comparative purposes of this study to select magazines which are clearly targeted on opposite sides of the male-female dichotomy. By avoiding androgynously aimed publications, such as Newsweek, Life and National Geographic, categorized in past research as "male," the sample can lessen confounding variables.

The years for the study (1995-2000) were chosen because they would enable a "before and after" look at the other men’s magazines with regard to Maxim and its possible influence on the style of these publications.

An underlying assumption of this paper is that magazines, indeed, can be judged by their covers. That is, one may assume that the cover advertises portions of what the publication contains. It is also assumed that the cover attracts readers and, thus, may aid increases in sales.

The process of coding the 392 magazine covers was conducted using definitions that addressed both visual and textual aspects. For visual analysis, the sexual-explicitness of the models’ clothing was categorized as either demure, suggestive, partially-clad or nude. To address cover text, cover blurbs were analyzed for whether they fit into the categories of "appearance-related," "self-improvement," "political," or "feature article." Blurbs coded as appearance-related were then further classified as either "same sex" or "opposite sex" appearance messages; those coded as self-improvement were further classified as either "physical" or "nonphysical" self-improvement. (For further explanation, please see Appendix A.)

Limitations:

Many of the covers in the study were obtained from microform. While most provided excellent copies, a few were somewhat integrally marred by large indexing labels which occluded portions of the cover. Such textual messages that were "hidden" from view, obviously, were excluded from the sample.

Another limitation resulted inherently with the approach to research question seven. While a dependent t-test is perhaps the best means of determining Maxim’s possible influence on the men’s magazine industry, only experimental research may provide true answers to before-and-after questions. Thus, the investigation of Maxim’s influence on other men’s magazines is somewhat speculative at best.

Statistical tests used to interpret the data were univariate and bivariate chi-square as well as a dependent t-test statistic. The standard alpha-level of p < .05 was employed to determine significance.

Analysis of the data revealed many interesting results, one of which was particularly surprising.

Overall, analysis revealed the majority of magazine cover models’ gender to be female. However, women’s magazines adhered to this standard of female models 99.5% of the time, whereas men’s magazines showed a 56% female to 44% male ratio (see Tables 1 and 2).

Despite equal opportunity for appearance upon men’s magazine covers, women overall were significantly more likely to be portrayed in a visually sexually explicit manner (75 to 4).

While all of the publications studied included messages regarding appearance and self-improvement, the female magazines were more likely to emphasize "same sex" appearance (199 to 68) as well as "physical" self-improvement (155 to 32). Roughly one out of five cover blurbs in men's magazines related to appearance compared to four in ten on women's magazines.

Regarding physical appearance, for men's magazine covers, all Maxim cover models were judged to be at least "suggestive" (suggestive, partially-clad or nude) in nature while covers for GQ and Esquire were judged to be "demure" (everyday dress) roughly 2/3rds of the time. For women's covers, similar relationships were found between Glamour and Vogue compared to Cosmopolitan. Over half the cover models in Glamour and Vogue were judged to be in everyday dress ("demure") while models in Cosmpolitan were clothed in at least a "suggestive" or "partially clad" nature in 67 of 72 instances. None of the covers of women's magazines were deemed to meet the "nude" category while roughly a dozen (7%) of the men's magazine covers meet the "nude" definition -- suggestion of nudity or if models appeared to be nude but in silhouette.

For a further description of the population and definitions, see Tables 1 and 2.

RQ1: RQ 1 asked if there was a significant difference in the number of men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers that contain appearance-related textual messages.

YES, women's covers tended to favor appearance-related text. Significantly more women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers contained appearance-related textual messages than did men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (204 to 121). (x² = 25.45, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ2: The second research question asked if there was a significant difference in the number of males and the number of females shown in sexually explicit portrayals on fashion/lifestyle magazine covers.

YES, covers tended to feature females. Significantly more females were shown in sexually explicit portrayals on fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (75 to 4). (x² = 63.8, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ3: Research question three asked if there was a significant difference in the number of women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers and men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers that emphasize physical self-improvement through textual messages.

YES, women's covers emphasized self-improvement via text messages. Significantly more women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize physical self-improvement through textual messages than did men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (155 to 32). (x² =145.05, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ4: The fourth research question asked if there was a significant difference in the number of women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers and the number of men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers that emphasize nonphysical self-improvement through textual messages.

YES, again women's covers emphasized nonphysical self-improvement. Significantly more women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize nonphysical self-improvement through textual messages than do men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (141 to 74). (x² = 21.1, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ5: Research question five asked if three was a significant difference in the number of men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers that emphasize "same sex" appearance through textual messages. (i.e., women’s appearance emphasized on women’s magazine covers)

YES, women's magazine covers emphasized women's issues on their covers. Significantly more women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize "same sex" appearance via textual messages than did men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (199 to 68). (x² = 127.9, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ6: The sixth research question asked if there was a significant difference in the number of men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers that emphasize "opposite sex" appearance through textual messages. (i.e., men’s appearance emphasized on women’s magazine covers)

YES, men's magazines featured women's issues on their covers. Significantly more men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers emphasize "opposite sex" appearance via textual messages than did women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers (76 to 16). (x² = 69.4, df = 1, p < .05)

RQ7: The final research question asked if there was a significant difference in the average number of visually sexually explicit men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers before and after the introduction of Maxim in the U.S.

Support was not found for this research question. There was not a significant difference in the average number of visually sexually explicit men’s magazine covers before and after the introduction of Maxim in the United States. (12 to 20).

From the answers to the first six research questions, the overarching question can be answered. It can be concluded that, yes, women’s magazine covers do place a greater emphasis on the importance of appearance than do men’s magazines. Women’s magazines contain significantly more appearance related textual messages, physical self-improvement messages and "same sex" appearance messages.

Women's magazine covers also contain significantly more nonphysical self-improvement messages than men’s magazines. On the surface, this appears to be positive, suggesting items such as career advice and intellectual development tools may be coming women’s way through their targeted magazines. However, a closer look at these nonphysical self-improvement messages reveals that a great number simply offer women a plethora of ideas on how to become a more pleasing partner for her significant other or suggestions on how to wrangle a marriage proposal.

Finally, the importance of women’s appearance is clearly delivered with the overwhelming use of sexually explicit female images (75 female vs. 4 male sexually explicit images) on both men’s and women’s magazine covers. Admittedly, the subtleties involved in male and female sexuality may lend more opportunity for females’ images to be sexualized. Whereas a woman’s sex appeal may be seen as indirectly proportionate to the amount of clothing she dons, a man’s sex appeal is often associated with his "character" or "seasoned" good looks. He may be seen as appealing simply sporting stylish attire and his "character." This cultural perception may account for the existing discrepancy in sexually explicit male and female magazine cover images.

It seems that not only do the visual messages on both men’s and women’s magazine covers tend to portray what women should look like (i.e., "Love Your Legs: Shortcuts to a jiggle-free summer," Glamour, June 1998 ) and men should look for (i.e., "Because beauty has something to say," Esquire, November 1997, in reference to supermodel Christy Turlington) (Malkin et al., 1999), but so do the textual ones. So perhaps Kazantzakis’ "merciless beauty" does exist...at the magazine stand–especially if you’re a woman.

From the conclusion to research question 7, the fact that Maxim did not have a significant influence on other men’s magazines’ covers, GQ and Esquire, is illustrated. However, as this finding conflicts with industry experts’ opinions (Leob, 2000; Sullivan, 2000 and Munk, 2001), it deserves further study. This publication’s wave of influence over the industry is particularly worthy of study as Maxim’s publisher is currently poised for the launch of three other magazines in the United States.

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1) Do men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers differ in their amount of appearance-related headlines?

2) Is there a difference in the frequency that males and females are portrayed sexually explicitly on magazine covers?

3) Do men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers differ in their emphasis on physical self-improvement headlines?

4) Do men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers differ in their emphasis on nonphysical self-improvement headlines?

5) Do men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers differ in their emphasis on "same sex" appearance headlines? (i.e., women’s appearance emphasized on women’s magazine covers)

6) Do men’s and women’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers differ in their emphasis on "opposite sex" appearance headlines? (i.e., men’s appearance emphasized on women’s magazine covers)

7) Has there been a significant difference in the average number of visually sexually explicit men’s fashion/lifestyle magazine covers before and after the introduction of Maxim in the U.S.?